Consider a simple economy with three sectors: households, firms and government. There are two assets: government bills and loans to firms. Firms can hold bills, but we'll assume their holdings are generally zero. All loans to firms are made by households. The national balance sheet looks like this.
|
Households
|
Firms
|
Government
|
Loans
|
L
|
- L
|
|
Bills
|
B
|
|
- B
|
(To avoid needing to include money as a separate asset
class, we'll assume here that the bills are used as the medium of
exchange. This could be through direct
physical exchange. Alternatively, all
bills could be held in individual accounts in a central registry with
households and firms making payments by instructing the registry to transfer
ownership interests.)
For simplicity, we will assume that firms wish
to invest as much as they can and are limited only by the amount that
households are prepared to lend. Household
behaviour can then be split into two decisions that are strictly
independent.
First, they make a decision that determines the total
addition to their holdings of financial assets.
It is usual to think of this as being a decision about how much they
spend on consumption, given their income expectation and other factors. The accumulation of financial assets - saving
- is the residual.
Secondly, they make a decision which determines the split
between making additional loans and acquiring additional bills. It will be useful to think
of this as being a decision about the amount of additional loans they want to
make. We can imagine that bills are
riskless and households have no limits on how many they hold, but that loans to
firms carry default risk and households wish to manage their exposure.
It is crucial to recognise that these are two separate
decisions. Households can decide to
spend less on consumption, without changing their decision about how much to
lend to firms. Likewise, they can decide
to lend more to firms, without changing their decision about how much to
consume. Putting this latter point
another way, a household decision to save more is not a pre-condition of an
increase in loans to firms.
Each decision affects expenditure independently. We have assumed that firms will spend all
they can borrow, so the decision to lend affects expenditure directly. As we have noted, this is not dependent on a decision
by households to consume less. So
although, for the economy as a whole, investment must equal income less consumption, both investment and
consumption are separately determined, making income the thing that needs to
adjust.
If we were instead to assume that there was just one
decision and the amount to be loaned to firms had to be exactly equal to the
amount saved, then we would have the sort of situation conjured up by loanable
funds imagery. We could imagine that the
amount to be loaned was determined by the amount households decided to
save. This might be the case in a simple
barter model where saving could only be undertaken by retaining real goods
How do banks fit into this picture? The answer is all to do with the lending
decision and not the saving decision. If
the amount to be loaned to firms is still decided entirely by households, then
banks are mere conduits - what people often mean when they question whether
banks are just intermediaries. On the
other hand, if part or all of that decision falls to banks, then they
immediately become an active part of the process.
We can illustrate this by adding banks into our balance
sheet in two different ways. In the
first (shown below), banks hold the loans and households hold deposits at the
bank instead.
|
Households
|
Firms
|
Banks
|
Government
|
Deposits
|
D
|
|
- D
|
|
Loans
|
|
- L
|
L
|
|
Bills
|
B
|
|
|
- B
|
We need to make two further assumptions here.
a) that households decide between bills and deposits in the
same way that they did between bills and loans; and
b) that banks accept any amounts deposited, which they then
automatically lend out.
In this case, we can see that the lending decision still
rests entirely with households, notwithstanding that banks are making the
actual loans. This is a true
banks-as-simple-intermediaries model.
Alternatively, we might add in banks as shown below:
|
Households
|
Firms
|
Banks
|
Government
|
Deposits
|
D
|
|
- D
|
|
Loans
|
|
- L
|
L
|
|
Bills
|
|
|
B
|
- B
|
In this scenario, a decision by households to increase
holdings of deposits is the same as a decision to save. There is no way for households to do one and not the other. Rather than making two separate decisions,
households now only get to make one. The
split between loans and bills - essentially the decision to lend - is in
the hands of banks. So, now, bank
behaviour is crucial.
In reality, we are somewhere between these two situations. Bank decisions on lending are important, but
household decisions matter too. A major
factor in the financial crisis was non-banks (households, here) trying to
switch from bank debt (deposits) to government securities (bills).
Once we start to consider separate objectives for households
and banks, we need to start bringing interest rates into the picture (or rather
interest rate differentials).
We can see here the critical importance of portfolio
decisions and how they are made. This
basic idea is really what liquidity preference is about in Keynesian and
post-Keynesian economics. Liquidity
preference is perhaps an unfortunate term because, although liquidity is an
important element, we need to look at aspects of portfolio preference that go
beyond that.
Nick, you write “We need to make two further assumptions here. a) that households decide between bills and deposits in the same way that they did between bills and loans; and b) that banks accept any amounts deposited, which they then automatically lend out.”
ReplyDeleteIt seems to me that, for completeness, you should add a third assumption here: c) banks do not create extra deposits for extra lending to firms. But this seems to be a strange assumption, because in your model, the existing deposits must have been created somewhere in the past in a process of autonomous bank lending to firms.
Anton
I think that's what I was trying to get at with my assumption (b), in that I was trying to suggest that banks only lend out as and when deposits are made.
DeleteThe creation of deposits in this version arises from households depositing bills. Banks then lend out the bills to firms.
I was trying to suggest a set-up where this would happen without banks making any active decision. So the amount that was loaned out would simply be the amount households chose to deposit. Making loans by creating new deposits (without a prior deposit of bills) would involve the bank making an independent decision.
I suspect it was a mistake in this post to treat bills as the medium of exchange rather than a seperate state issued money. That might have been clearer.
Also, here, rather than describing State bills as currency of households would it not be more appropriate to describe them as savings tools of households.
DeleteCertainly they are a means of saving for households- in fact, bills, loans and deposits are the only possible means of saving for households in this model.
DeleteAs you you are looking at the role of Banks, its a bad start to have Government Bills portraid as currency as government bills aren't used as currency. The Government sells Bonds in order to fascilitate the tranfer of deposits from the deposit accounts of bond buyers to the deposit accounts of the recipients of governent spending or to the deposit accounts of legacy bond holders. Governmens bills aren't currency. The deposits are the currency.
DeleteIt's actually not so unusual in monetary economics to talk about bonds being used as a medium of exchange, with the idea being that bonds are used as liquid asset backing for transaction accounts. Often, there's no point in separately recording the transaction accounts themselves. And I deliberately did not want to do so here as that would caused confusion with deposit accounts backed by loans. I was trying to limit the number of entities as much as possible to focus on the key point.
DeleteBut I agree that this has been confusing.
Maybe another way to approach this is to say that B includes both bills and base money and that the government (or the central bank) exchanges bills for base money on demand at a fixed rate. This latter point means we don't need to worry about how people decide between the two.
We can then either allow for deposits to be also used as a medium of exchange, or we can assume that all deposits are like savings accounts and that all payments (including the advancement of new loans) have to be made in base money. Either way, portfolio preference is the crucial element, although the liquidity of deposits (including the ability to use them for exchange purposes) is likely to have a bearing on households' portfolio decisions.