In a recent post Lars Syll quotes Steve Keen on Ricardo's
model of comparative advantage. Keen thinks
you can "prove" that the idea that free trade benefits all is a
fallacy by considering the following:
"Ricardo’s model assumed that you could produce wine or
cloth with only labour, but of course you can’t. You need machines as well, and
machinery is specific to each industry. The essential machinery for making wine
can’t be used to make anything else, if its use becomes unprofitable. It is
either scrapped, sold at a large loss, or shipped overseas. Ditto a spinning
jenny, or a steel mill: if making steel becomes unprofitable, the capital
involved in its production is effectively destroyed …"
Now, I think there is a lot to be said on the topic of
trade, including a case to be made that certain protectionism can benefit all in
particular circumstances. But I found Keen's
statement rather odd, because it is not obvious to me that the message in Ricardo's
model has anything to do with whether or not there is machinery, whether it has
specific use and whether it can be offshored.
So, I thought I'd look at what Ricardo's model might look like with
those modifications.
The Model
There are two countries: England and Portugal. Each can produce wine and cloth. The production function in each case is
Cobb-Douglas with equal weightings on capital and labour:
Xij = Aij . Kij0.5
. Lij0.5
where Xij is production of product i in country j
and Kij and Lij are capital and labour respectively used
to produce product i in country j. Aij
is a factor specific to each industry and country intending to reflect the different
skills of labour (and is not therefore a technology that can be transferred
between countries).
The capital stock consists of a fixed supply of
machines. Machines are either wine machines
or cloth machines; they cannot be transferred between these uses. However in some scenarios, they can be transported
between countries.
Labour cannot move
between countries, but it can be used in either industry within a country. The labour stock in each country is fixed and
assumed to be fully employed.
Each country has its own currency. The nominal wage is fixed in local currency
units. Products are sold at marginal
cost.
For simplicity, households in each country are assumed to
want to consume wine and cloth in equal quantities. This means factor allocation must ensure equal
global output of the two products.
The matrix of the values for A is as follows:
|
|
England
|
Portugal
|
|
Wine
|
1.0
|
1.2
|
|
Cloth
|
1.0
|
1.1
|
Factor endowments are as follows:
|
|
England
|
Portugal
|
|
Wine machines
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
|
Cloth machines
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
|
Total labour
|
2,000
|
2,000
|
Portugal has a natural absolute advantage in both products,
but England has a natural comparative advantage in cloth. Unlike in Ricardo's model, however the marginal
comparative advantage varies with the allocation of inputs, because of the production
function.
Various scenarios are considered below:
1. No Trade
England will employ equal amounts of labour in each
industry; Portugal will need to employ more in production of cloth than wine to
compensate for the lower labour productivity in that industry.
|
Portugal
|
England
|
||||
|
Wine
|
Cloth
|
Wine
|
Cloth
|
||
|
Factor Usage
|
|||||
|
Machines
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
|
|
Labour
|
913
|
1,087
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
|
|
Products
|
|||||
|
Output
|
1,147
|
1,147
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
|
|
Traded
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
|
|
Consumed
|
1,147
|
1,147
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
|
|
Local price
|
1.59
|
1.90
|
2.00
|
2.00
|
|
The relative price of each product is different for the two
countries.
2. Free Trade But No
Free Movement of Capital
England increases its employment in cloth production, where
it has a comparative advantage, and Portugal reduces its cloth employment. Prices move in each country so that the
relative price of each product is the same.
The exchange rate settles at the level which equates the price of each
product between the two countries.
|
Portugal
|
England
|
||||
|
Wine
|
Cloth
|
Wine
|
Cloth
|
||
|
Factor Usage
|
|||||
|
Machines
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
1,000
|
|
|
Labour
|
994
|
1,006
|
907
|
1,093
|
|
|
Products
|
|||||
|
Output
|
1,196
|
1,103
|
952
|
1,045
|
|
|
Traded
|
-49
|
44
|
49
|
-44
|
|
|
Consumed
|
1,148
|
1,148
|
1,001
|
1,001
|
|
|
Local price
|
1.66
|
1.82
|
1.90
|
2.09
|
|
|
Profit per machine (€)
|
0.99
|
1.01
|
0.79
|
0.95
|
|
|
Exchange rate (€/£)
|
0.87
|
||||
|
Portugal's Balance of Payments (€)
|
|||||
|
Wine exports
|
81
|
||||
|
Cloth imports
|
-81
|
||||
|
Net
|
0
|
||||
Expressed in a common currency the profit per machine is
higher in Portugal in both industries.
Both countries benefit from increased consumption, although the gain is surprisingly
small.
3. Free Trade With Free Movement
of Capital
Here we allow machines owned in one country to be used in
production in the other country - a kind of offshoring. This acts to equate the profitability of
machines in each country (but not between industries are all the machines are
single use). In fact, profitability is
not equalised in wine production because there is a boundary condition when all
wine production moves to Portugal.
|
Portugal
|
England
|
||||
|
Wine
|
Cloth
|
Wine
|
Cloth
|
||
|
Factor Usage
|
|||||
|
Machines
|
2,000
|
335
|
0
|
1,665
|
|
|
Labour
|
1,668
|
332
|
0
|
2,000
|
|
|
Products
|
|||||
|
Output
|
2,192
|
367
|
0
|
1,825
|
|
|
Traded
|
-1,044
|
781
|
1,044
|
-781
|
|
|
Consumption
|
1,148
|
1,148
|
1,044
|
1,044
|
|
|
Local price
|
1.52
|
1.81
|
n/a
|
2.19
|
|
|
Profit per machine (€)
|
0.83
|
0.99
|
n/a
|
0.99
|
|
|
Exchange rate (€/£)
|
0.83
|
||||
|
Portugal's Balance of Payments (€)
|
|||||
|
Wine exports
|
1,589
|
||||
|
Cloth imports
|
-1,415
|
||||
|
Investment income received
|
660
|
||||
|
Investment income paid
|
-834
|
||||
|
Net
|
0
|
||||
Although in the last scenario, cloth machines were more
profitable in Portugal, wine production shifts so extensively that this position
reverses and it becomes profitable to relocate cloth machines to England.
We still have free trade so prices are equalised as before,
although there is no price for domestically produced English wine.
The balance of payments now includes remission of profits
based on the number of machines used overseas and their profitability. (There are no net capital flows for the
transfer of machines between countries because the purchase price cancels out
the equity investment.)
The overall benefit from the free movement of capital is
much greater than for free trade alone, but it is heavily skewed in England's
favour. This might seem odd given that production in England has actually fallen (based on scenario 2 prices) but it reflects the net foreign income flow.
There is also a shift in functional income distribution,
arising from the equalisation of machine profitability and a shift of the exchange
rate in Portugal's favour. Overall, real
wages fall for English workers and rise for Portugese ones, whilst profits rise
for English capital owners and fall for Portugese ones. These are the expected results of offshoring.
Conclusion
This model is certainly not intended to constitute a
proof. But I find it helpful in thinking
about how the ideas in Ricardo's model might apply with internationally mobile
capital. And on the whole, I'd say that
these particular issues do not really change the conclusions.
Keen also mentions scrapping of machinery. This does not occur in my model, because the particular production function ensures that capital is always useful. In fact, I suspect that machinery obsolescence
does not change the analysis either, but I do think that under-employment of labour
is very relevant. This in my view provides
much better grounds for critiquing the real-life application of comparative
advantage.